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Note: Don Carlos’s reminiscence and letters to his wife were written in the fall and winter of 1838 during a desperate effort to obtain funds from eastern Saints, just before the exile from Missouri in the winter of 1838-39. This material and three poems by Eliza R. Snow have, for the most part, no counterpart in Lucy’s manuscript although they are neatly written out in the Coray manuscript; substantive changes among versions appear in the notes. The original of this missionary account, a reminiscence rather than a journal, though possibly based on a journal, is not listed among the holdings of the LDS Historical Department Archives. Part of this account, considerably edited, was later published in History of the Church 4:394-98. Some portions of the early reminiscence appear in rough note form in Martha Jane Coray’s notebook. I have paired them where applicable. Nibley includes no portion of the appendix material. The Improvement Era includes Don Carlos Smith’s letters and Eliza R. Snow’s poems but not Don Carlos’s mission account. |
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Coray/Pratt: 1853 |
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Martha Jane Coray Notebook This version is apparently taken from George A. Smith’s journal. |
Pratt, 1853
(closely follows Coray, 1845) A JOURNAL KEPT BY DON C. SMITH WHILE ON A MISSION WITH GEORGE A. SMITH , HIS COUSIN |
| the following journey was commenced September 25 1838 returned Dec 24 1838 |
At a meeting of the High Council held in Adam-ondi-Ahman, I was appointed, in company with my cousin, George A. Smith, Lorenzo D. Barnes, and Harrison Sagers, to take a mission to the east and south, for the purpose of raising means to buy out the mobbers in Davies County, Missouri; also to effect an exchange of farms between the brethren in the east, and the mobbers in our immediate neighbourhood.130 |
| brother Earl from Canada to his in his wagon to Richmond landing. Carlos left his family 3 miles from Diahman in a grove of timber on a place purchased of one of the old settlers our |
On the twenty-sixth of September, 1838, we took leave of our friends, and started on our mission, in company with brother Earl, who proposed taking us in his waggon as far as Richmond, a distance of seventy miles. We stopped at Far West to see brother Joseph. He sanctioned our mission, and bid us God speed.131 |
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next morning called on John Goodson treated us very coldly did not ask us to eat although he had staid with us several days and I laid on the floor for his accommodation and he had his horse and self keept |
On our way to Richmond we stayed over night with Captain Alpheus Cutler, formerly of the United States’ army. He and his family treated us with much kindness. We also called on John Goodson, who a few days previous had shared freely in the hospitality of my uncle’s house, yet he had not the politeness to ask either cousin George or myself to take breakfast with him. |
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we waited at the landing 9 (?) days for steamer Kansas the river being very low while there we had an interview with David Whitmer helped him load a load of goods then helped him out of a sand mire although he could not look us in the face when we parted he said success to you boys |
When we got to the landing, we found the river very low, and but one boat up, which was the Kansas. Whilst waiting for this boat, we had an interview with David Whitmer. He had not confidence to look us in the face, for he had become our enemy; yet, when we parted, he shook hands with us quite cordially, and wished us success.132 |
| we boarded with a family of brethren while there I went to a watermleon [sic] patch feasted on melons that weighed from 40 to 50 lbs. from there we took passage on board the Kansas one wheel was broken to pieces and She was otherwise in a a terribly shattered condition met Maj Gen Samul [sic] Lucas and Brigadier gen Moses Wilson of jackson Co principle actors in the mob of 1833 Maj Gen Atchison [sic] of Clay Co and several other Militia officerswho were on their way to Boonville to attend a court Martial |
On the thirtieth of September, we went on board the Kansas;133 this was a very slow conveyance, for one of the wheels was broken; besides the river being very low, and full of snags and sand bars, we got along but slowly on our journey. Here we travelled in company with General Wilson, and Samuel Lucas, besides many others who had taken an active part in the expulsion of the Saints from Jackson County, in 1833. General Atchison was also on board.134 |
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on the next day we arrived at De Wittwhere we found Elder J. E. Page Gorge M. Hinkle with a few Saints surrounded by a mob of 200 who threatened them with extermination Gen Atchison |
On arriving at De Witt, we found about seventy of the brethren with their families, surrounded by a mob of two hundred men.135 When the boat landed, the women and children were much frightened, supposing that we also were mob.136 We would have stopped, and assisted them what we could, but we were unarmed, and, upon consulting together, it was thought advisable for us to fulfil our mission; so we returned to the boat, and proceeded on our journey. |
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From this onward, the “Mormons” were the only subject of conversation, and nothing was heard but the most bitter imprecations against them. Gen. Wilson related many of his deeds of noble daring in the Jackson mob, one of which was the following:137 |
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Coray/Pratt: 1853 [Wilson:] “I went, in company with forty others, to the house of one Hiram Page, who was a Mormon, in Jackson county. We got logs and broke in every door and window at the same instant; and, pointing our rifles at the family, we told them, we would be God dd if we did’nt shoot every one of them, if Page did not come out. At that, a tall woman made her appearance, with a child in her arms. I told the boys, she was too dd tall. In a moment the boys stripped her, and found it was Page. I told them to give him a dd good one. We gave him sixty or seventy lashes with hickory withes which we had prepared. Then, after pulling the roof off this house, we went to the next dd Mormon’s house, and whipped him in like manner. We continued until we whipped ten or fifteen of the God dd Mormons, and demolished their houses that night. If the Carroll boys would do that way, they might conquer; but it is no use to think of driving them without about four to one.138 I wish I could stay, I would help drive the dd Mormons to hell, old Joe, and all the rest.” At this I looked the General sternly in the face, and told him, that he was neither a republican nor a gentleman, but a savage, without a single principle of honour.139 “If,” said I, “the ‘Mormons’ have broken the law, let it be strictly executed against them; but such anti-republican, and unconstitutional acts as these related by you, are below the brutes.”140 We were upon the hurricane deck, and a large company present were listening to the conversation. When I ceased speaking, the General placed his hand upon his pistol, but I felt safe, for cousin George stood by his side, watching every move the General made, and would have knocked him into the river instantly, had he attempted to draw a deadly weapon.141 But General Atchison saved him the trouble, by saying, “I’ll be God dd,142 if Smith aint right.” At this, Wilson left the company, rather crest-fallen. In the course of the conversation Wilson said, that the best plan was, to rush into the “Mormon” Settlement,143 murder the men, make slaves of the children, take possession of the property, and use the women as they pleased. There was a gentleman present from Baltimore, Maryland; he said, he never was among such a pack of dd savages before; that he had passed through Far West, and saw nothing among the “Mormons” but good order. Then, drawing his pistols, he discharged them; and re-loading, he said, “If God spares my life till I get out of Upper Missouri, I will never be found associating with such devils again.” Shortly after this we were invited to preach on board. Elder Barnes gave them a good lecture, and I bore testimony.144 The rest of the way we were treated more civilly, but, being deck passengers, and having very little money, we suffered much for food. On one occasion we paid twelve and a half cents for one dozen ears of [Indian] corn; and after grating it, we paid a woman twelve and a half cents more for baking it into bread, although it was badly done, being neither sifted, nor the whole kernels taken out; but we were so hungry that we were glad to get it.145 We continued our journey together through every species of hardship and fatigue, until the eleventh of October, when Elder Barnes and H. Sagers left us,146 after our giving them all the money we had; they starting for Cincinnati, and we, to visit the Churches in West Tennessee.147 Soon after this, Julian Moses, who had fallen148 in company with us on the way, gave us a five franc piece, and bade us farewell.149 This left cousin George and myself alone, and in a strange land; and we soon found that the mob spirit was here, as well as in Missouri, for it was not long before we were mobbed by near twenty men, who surrounded the house in the night, and terrified the family very much; however, we succeeded in driving them away.150 After which we continued our journey until we arrived at brother Utley’s, in Benton county, a neighbourhood151 where brothers Patten and Woodruff were mobbed some years ago. We soon made our business known to all the Saints, who said they would use every effort to be on hand with their money and meanssome in the fall, others in the spring. We received from brother West twenty-eight dollars to bear our expenses; and also from others, acts of kindness which will never be forgotten.152 About this time our minds were seized with an awful forebodinghorror seemed to have laid his grasp upon uswe lay awake night after night, for we could not sleep. Our forebodings increased, and we felt sure that all was not right; yet we continued preaching, until the Lord showed us that the Saints would be driven from Missouri. We then started home, and, on arriving at Wyatt’s Mills, which was on our return, we were told that, if we preached there it should cost us our lives. We gave out an appointment at the house of sister Foster, a wealthy widow. She advised us to give it up; but, as she had no fears for herself, her property, or family, we concluded to fulfil our appointment. The hour of meeting came, and many attended. Cousin George preached about an hour; during which time, a man named Fitch, came in at the head of twelve other mobbers, who had large hickory clubs, and they sat down with their hats on. When cousin George took his seat, I arose and addressed them for an hour and a half, during which time, I told them that I was a patriotthat I was freethat I loved my countrythat I loved liberty153that I despised both mobs and mobbersthat no gentleman, or Christian at heart, would ever be guilty of such things, or countenance them. At last the mob pulled off their hats, laid down their clubs, and listened with almost breathless attention. After meeting, Mr. Fitch came to us and said that he was ashamed of his conduct, and would never do the like again, that he had been misinformed about us by some religious bigots.154 We continued our journey until we reached the town of Columbus, Hickman county, Kentucky. Here we put up with Captain Robinson, formerly an officer in the army, who treated us very kindly, assuring us that we were welcome to stay at his house until a boat should come, if it were three months. While here, a company of thirteen hundred Cherokee Indians encamped on the bank of the river to wait for ferry privileges. They felt deeply wounded at leaving their native country for the west. They said they were leaving a fine country, rich in minerals, but the whites knew very little of its value. This excited our sympathies very much; little did I think that my own wife and helpless babes were objects of greater sympathy than these.155 At length a boat came along, and we went on board. We had to pay all our money (five dollars) for fare, and eat and lie among negroes, as we took a deck passage.156 About ninety miles from St. Louis our boat got aground, where it lay for three days. During this time we had nothing to eat but a little parched corn. They finally gave up the boat and left her. We went to the clerk and got two dollars of our money back, after which we went on board of a little boat157 that landed us in St. Louis the next morning. Here we found Elder Orson Pratt; he told us that Joseph was a prisoner with many others, and that David Patten was killed, giving us a long and sorrowful account of the sufferings of the Saints, which filled our hearts with sorrow. The next morning, we started again on our journey. When we arrived at Huntsville, we stopped158 at the house of George Lyman to rest, he being uncle to cousin George, whose feet had now become very sore with travelling.159 Here we heard dreadful tales concerning our friends in Davies county, that they were all murdered, and that my brothers, Joseph and Hyrum, were shot with a hundred balls.160 We had not been long in Huntsville till the mob made a rally to use us up with the rest of the Smiths, and, at the earnest request of our friends, we thought best to push on.161 The wind was in our faces, the ground was slippery, it was night, and very dark, nevertheless we proceeded on our journey. Travelling twenty-two miles, we came to the Chariton river, which we found frozen over, but the ice too weak to bear us, and the boat on the west side of the river. We went to the next ferry. Finding that there was no boat there, and that in the next neighbourhood a man’s brains were beat out for being a “Mormon,” we returned to the first ferry, and tried by hallooing to raise the ferryman on the opposite side of the river, but were not able to awake him. We were almost benumbed with the cold, and to warm ourselves we commenced scuffling and jumping; we then beat our feet upon the logs and stumps, in order to start a circulation of blood; but at last cousin George became so cold and sleepy that he said he could not stand it any longer, and lay down. I told him he was freezing to death; I rolled him on the ground, pounded and thumped him; I then cut a stick and said I would thrash him. At this he got up and undertook to thrash me, this stirred his blood a little, but he soon lay down again; however, the ferryman in a short time came over, and set us on our own side of the river.162 We then travelled on until about breakfast time, when we stopped at the house of a man, who, we afterwards learned, was Senator Ashby, that commanded the mob at Haun’s Mill. That night we stayed at one of the bitterest of mobocrats, by the name of Fox, and started the next morning without breakfast.163 Our route lay through a wild prairie, where there was but very little track, and only one house in forty miles. The north-west wind blew fiercely in our faces, and the ground was so slippery that we could scarcely keep our feet, and when the night came on, to add to our perplexity, we lost our way. Soon after which, I became so cold that it was with great difficulty I could keep from freezing. We also became extremely thirsty; however, we found a remedy for this by cutting through ice three inches thick.164 While we were drinking we heard a cow bell, this caused our hearts to leap for joy, and we arose and steered our course towards the sound. We soon entered a grove, which sheltered us from the wind, and we felt more comfortable. In a short time we came to a house, where George was well acquainted, here we were made welcome165 and kindly entertained. We laid down to rest about two o’clock in the morning, after having travelled one hundred and ten miles in two days and two nights. After breakfast I set out for Far West, leaving George sick with our hospitable friend. When I arrived166 I was fortunate enough to find my family alive, and in tolerable health, which was more than I could have expected, considering the scenes of persecution through which they had passed.167 Letters of Don C. Smith to His Wife, Agnes. COHOCTON , YATES CO.,168 JUNE 25, 1836 DEAR COMPANION : I received your letter bearing date June 15, which I perused with eagerness, being the first I had received from you during my absence. I was rejoiced to hear that you were as well as you expressed, but grieved that your rest should be disturbed by the nervous affection of which you speak. You say that you are willing to submit to the will of the Lord in all things; this also is a source of great consolation to me; for, if these be your feelings, even when deprived of my society, in order to [word omitted?] the prosperity of the kingdom of God (as nothing else would tear me from you), I feel that the Lord will bless, keep, preserve, and uphold you; so let your faith fail not, and your prayers cease not, and you shall be healed of your nervous complaint, and all other afflictions. For God is willing, and abundantly able, to raise you up and give you all the righteous desires of your heart, for he has said, “Ask and ye shall receive,” and he has never lied, and I can truly say that he has been my help in every time of need. When I left home I set my face, like a flint, towards Boston, until I found that it was my duty to return home. On arriving at Seneca Falls, I laid the matter before Samuel and Wilber,169 and we united our hearts in prayer before the Lord, who signified, by the voice of his Spirit, to Samuel, that he should continue his journey, but that we should return, after a short time, to our families; so tell Mary170 that we have not forsaken him; no, nor ever will, for he is as faithful as the sunthe Lord will not forsake him, and angels will bear him up, and bring him off triumphant and victorious. I heard of the death of grandmother, while at Aven, I could not help weeping, for her, although she has gone to rest. When I left Kirtland,171 I called at uncle John’sgrandmother was asleepI laid my hand on her head, and asked the Lord to spare her, that I might see her again in the flesh. But when I left, I felt as though she would be taken before I returned, which caused me to feel sorrowful; but I do not desire to call her back to this world of trouble. I must close by saying, that I expect to labour in the vineyard until I start for home. And, if the Lord will, I shall see you as soon as the last of July, then172 I shall finish this letter.
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Lucy: 1844-45 174 |
Coray/Pratt: 1853
In the month of June, 1839, Don Carlos came from Mc Donough county to Commerce, for the purpose of making preparations to establish a printing press. As the press and type had been buried during the Missouri troubles, and were considerably injured by the dampness which they had gathered, it was necessary to get them into use as soon as possible; |
| he found but <one> room at liberty |
and in order to this,175 Carlos was under the necessity of cleaning out a cellar, through which a spring was constantly flowing, for there was no other place at liberty where he could put up the press. The dampness of the place, together with his labour, caused him to take a severe cold, with which he was sick some time; |
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but he continued his work until he had got his press |
nevertheless, he continued his labour, until he got the press into operation, and issued one number of the paper. He then went to McDonough, and visited his family; after which, he returned to Commerce, but found the distress so great that no business could be done. |
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after his arrival in commerce he wrote the following letter to his wife which shows pretty clearly the situation of the church at that time as well as his affectionate disposition which was always breathed in every word he spoke to his family and stamped on every line he wrote to them when absent from them which has also been manifested in other letters which I have before transcribed
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Upon his arrival in Commerce, he wrote to his wife the following letter, which shows the situation of the Church at that time, as well as his affectionate disposition, which was breathed in every word he spoke to his family, and stamped upon every line he wrote to them when absent. |
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Commerce July 25, 1839
Beloved companion |
Commerce, July 25, 1839. BELOVED : |
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When I arrived here there had been nothing done in the office as Brother Robinson has been sick every day since I left and is sick yet I have done but little labor since I returned for I have been striving against the destroyer and attending upon the sick continually There is not well ones enough to take care of the sick. There has been but one death however since I returned and that was of a child but one week old McLery and Sophronia are both sick |
When I arrived here, nothing had been done in the office, as brother Robinson had been sick every day, since I left. And I have done but little labour since I returned, except struggling against the destroyer, and attending upon the sickthere are not well ones enough to take care of the sickthere has been but one death, however, since my return. McLerry,176 Sophronia, and Clarinda, are very sick. Sister E. Robinson has been nigh unto death. |
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Last tuesday I administered to 16 souls and have since administered to a great many in company with George A. Smith and some notable miracles were wrought under our hands I never had so great power over disease as I have had this week |
Last Tuesday, I, in company with George A. Smith, administered to sixteen souls; some notable miracles were wrought under our hands. I never had so great power over disease, as I have had177 this week; for this let God be glorified. There is now178 between fifty and one hundred sick, but they are generally on the gain; I do not know of more than two or three who are considered dangerous. |
| I send you $5 so that you may not be |
I send you some money that you may not be destitute, in case you should be sick, and need anything which you have not in the house. Agnes, the Lord being my helper,179 you shall not want. Elijah’s God will bless you, and I will bless you, |
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are entwined around my heart with ties that are stronger than death and time cannot sever them yes deprived of your society and that of my prattling babes life would be irksome to me Oh that you might live till the coming of the son of man, and I also for |
for you are entwined around my heart, with ties that are stronger than death, and time can not sever them. Deprived of your society, and that of my prattling babes, life would be irksome. Oh! that we may all live, and enjoy health and prosperity, until the coming of the Son of Man, that we may be a comfort to each other, and instil into the tender and noble minds of our children, principles of truth and virtue, which shall abide with them for ever, is my constant prayer. |
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I shall come home as soon as we can get through with our present hurryI am as ever your most <true and> faithful earthly friend <both> in time and in Eternity.
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From your husband, who will ever remain, devoted and affectionate, both in time and in eternity,
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| here Mulhollands death R. B. T. <succeeds him in office> In [blank] Don C moved his family into commerce which had then changed its name for Nauvoo here he with Printer Ebenezer Robinson engaged in the publication of the Times and seasons and to facilitate the same they erected small frame house for |
While Don Carlos was at work in the before mentioned cellar, he took a severe pain in his side, which was never altogether removed. About a fortnight prior to his death, his family were very sick; and in taking care of them, he caught a violent colda fever set in, and the pain in his side increased, and with all our exertions, we were unable to arrest the disease, which I have no doubt was consumption, brought on by working181 in a damp room, in which he printed his paper. |
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Elegy Coray/ Pratt: 1853 ELEGY ON THE DEATH OF THE DEARLY BELOVED AND MUCH LAMENTED FATHER IN ISRAEL, JOSEPH SMITH, SENIOR, A PATRIARCH IN THE CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS, WHO DIED AT NAUVOO, SEPTEMBER 4 [SIC], 1840.182 BY MISS E. R. SNOW. Zion’s noblest sons are weeping; Zion’s children loved him dearly; Faith and works, most sweetly blended,183 Years have witnessed his devotions, Now he’s gone, we’d not recall him Faith’s sweet voice of consolation, Though his earthly part is sleeping, LINES WRITTEN ON THE DEATH OF GEN. DON CARLOS SMITH. BY MISS E. R. SNOW.187 “Thy shaft flew thrice, and thrice my peace was slain.” The insatiate archer death, once more188 Ours is the sorrow, ours the loss, THE ASSASSINATION OF JOSEPH AND HYRUM SMITH, FIRST PRESIDENTS OF THE CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS, WHO WERE MASSACRED BY A MOB IN CARTHAGE, HANCOCK COUNTY, ILL., ON JUNE 27, 1844.194 BY MISS E. R. SNOW Ye heavens attend! Let all the earth give ear! Oh! Illinois! thy soil has drank196 the blood Oh! wretched murd’rers! fierce for human blood! Shades of our patriotic197 fathers! Can it be? Great men have fallen, and mighty200 men have died; Oh! persecution! shall thy purple hand Thou God of Jacob, in this trying hour Now Zion mourns, she mourns an earthly head; Then sealed their testimony with their blood.204 Ye Saints! be still, and know that God is just, Miscellaneous Papers Included with the microfilm of Lucy’s rough draft are a number of nonbiographical items. The first three items are holographs of revelations in the current Doctrine and Covenants. All three contain some differences in wording from the current authorized text; while doubtless interesting and possibly significant in showing doctrinal development, they lie outside the scope of this study. They are: 1. A holograph copy of what is now Doctrine and Covenants 105:12-41 (LDS 1981 edition), beginning on p. 7 in the middle of v. 12: “faithful and continue in humility before me …” The next six pages are written in an apparently different hand and contain no corrections, suggesting that they are a printer’s copy. The six pages are double-numbered, with “7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12” at top center, and “32, 33, 30 [sic], 31 [sic], 34, 35” at the margins, left margin for versos, right margins for rectos. 2. A holograph copy of what is now Doctrine and Covenants 87:1-8 (“… concerning the wars that will shortly come to pass beginning at the rebellion of South Carolina …”), paginated “10” centered at top margin and “31” at the left top margin. This item ends with a verse that does not appear in the current edition: “The keys of the priesthood have to be brought from Heaven whenever the Gospel is preached or Sent. When they are revealed from Heaven its is by Adams Authority Amen.” 3. A holograph copy of a revelation now corresponding to Doctrine and Covenants 77:2-12 (“A Key to the revelations of John”), paginated with “11, 12” centered at the top margin and “34, 35” at the top right margin. 4. A fragment of paper, apparently the side leaf and part of the main panel of a sheet used as an envelope, with a few lines of writing, largely illegible. One side has a record of the births of Joseph’s and Emma’s children: “[and …] […] so [four numerals, not legible] Ju… Smith was born april 31 [sic] 1830 We […ouch to Re… Joseph … Smith No… 1823? assat and returned to Kirtland Frederick G. … was born June 20 1836 Sept. 12 1832 … so Alexander … June 2, 1834? Missouri in …sh County Don Carlos … June 13, 1840? … 18… David H. … Nov. 10, 1844.” 5. The second side is the obverse. A few letters are visible on the main panel: “Joseph [damaged] F. G. […]” Across the first fold, the main panel has been written on upside down if the paper is unfolded, but right side up if it is folded lengthwise. Here appear only the very ends of two visible lines. The first one has been marked out. The second line has two letters, “ey”. The complete side panel has one partial line: “to […et] had two children a son and a daughter.” Three words, written roughly one above the other, are on the left hand panel (the center one is “Boston,” but the other two look like “Ghetton” and “TSelton”) while perpendicular to the margin is written “Joseph’s Children”. An apparent division problem is worked on the left-hand panel. 3/51 = 17 Written on the topmost of three folds or panels: “A Memorandum what is necessary to finish the record of […] Lucy Smith.” The middle panel is blank. Written on the third panel is: “We the undersigned certify that the foregoing record which is given by Lucy Smith our Mother is correct according to the best of our knowledge in testimony whereof we Have hereunto 6. The next fragment bears notes on what seems to be a rough draft of a blessing on each side. The first could apply to William, but only after the deaths of his father and four brothers. The second is less specific: (Side 1) “… sick and afflicted but [damaged] life long He has [ 7. This item consists of the recto and verso of a sheet from a pocket notebook with stitch marks visible on the left margin of the recto sheet and with the upper right corner broken smoothly off. The hand looks different from either Coray’s or the scribe of the revelations. (Side 1:) “the Seed of 12 […] [damaged] are scattered it [damaged] wake up the […] [damaged] ns The nations will [damaged] r with each other [damaged] while the Saints are building the 12 I had [damaged] vision on the other side of the river that armies were about […am] I am from brethern … who were shooting at me swam the river and found safety on this side Go tell all my servants who are the Strength of my house (This June this nation will be humbling [blank] then shall foreign Saints come and all the Saints shall come.” (Side 2:) “where the Saints [damaged] of Zion which en [damaged] [.teores] will build with [damaged] a place of safety for ther [damaged] hildren and those who [damaged] not come in one season [damaged] shall scarce escape [damaged] with those <their lives> that [ecase?] [damaged] to <be> saviours of men They shall be troden under the feet of their enemies for there transgression instance [Seek?] the redemption of Zion is the salvation […] this country which is north and south America come [asunder? under?] olive trees to be jackson Co but one is not […] some have a temple begun 12 olive trees [damaged] re 12 stakes”. 8. This final sheet has been written from both the top and the bottom. In an obvious experiment with different styles of lettering, in block printing, centered on the page appear these words: CHAAP. XI VX CHAP C CH Approximately sixteen lines of text, reversed as in a mirror, follow. This sheet was perhaps used as a blotter. Then the page has been turned upside down and the following seven lines were written in a curlicue circle, followed by the last four lines in a second curlicue circle: My feet were on the threshold of Eternity This line follows below the poem: “He was the son of [E..? Cass?] H. Mack his Father was a man”. |
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