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Appendix AJoseph Smith on Trial in 1826 One of the questions of most critical importance for the beginnings of Mormonism is whether or not Joseph Smith was tried in March 1826, Chenango County, New York, on charges of being "a disorderly person and an imposter." Although reference to such a trial has been made in the literature, it is only since the publication in 1945 of Fawn M. Brodie's biography of Joseph Smith, No Man Knows My History, that it has become recognized as of major importance. In behalf of the church, the alleged court record of 1826, which if valid would give Joseph Smith an ante-Mormon history entirely at variance with his later claims as a religious leader, was attacked by Albert E. Bowen, a member of the church's Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, in an unsigned review of Brodie's book published in the Deseret News, May 11, 1946. Bowen objected:
Francis W. Kirkham also reacted to the challenge implicit in this court record and in the Improvement Era, March 1947, pp. 182ff., branded it a forgery, "written by a person totally unfamiliar with court procedure." Contemporary justice of the peace records, Kirkham maintained, "contain only the names of the plaintiff, the defendant, the statement of the case, the date of judgment, the amount of judgment, the cost and fees." And he concluded, "No record exists and there is no evidence to prove one was ever made in which [Joseph Smith] confessed in a justice of the peace court that he had used a seer stone to find hidden treasures for purposes of fraud and deception." These conclusions Kirkham incorporated into a new edition of his A New Witness for Christ in America (Independence, Missouri, 1947). Meanwhile, Brodie had uncovered in southern New York an account of the 1826 trial written by a reputable eyewitness, Dr. William D. Purple; and Stanely S. Ivins of Salt Lake City discovered what purported to be a transcript of an agreement concerning the Smiths' money-digging in Pennsylvania, as well as fresh information on the provenance of the court record itself. These documents, placed at the disposal of Kirkham, were included in a last minute supplement to his book. The facts developed clearly controverted his argument, so to rebut them he dwelt on inconsistencies between the court record and the reminiscent account of the trial, arguing also that pages "claimed to be taken from a forty-five-year-old book are not valid evidence until the book and the pages are identified." In the absence of any contemporary evidence of such a trial, he declared, there was no reason to think it had ever taken place; the record was a forgery; and reminiscences of Joseph Smith as a money-digger were nothing but folklore springing up in the wake of an anti-Mormon book, Mormonism Unvailed, published in late 1834. The attacks made upon the court record by these spokesmen for the church had an essentially legalistic basis. While such objections may quite properly be made, it does not follow that a justice of the peace court in rural New York in 1826 proceeded with the nicety of a supreme court session, or that it did not exhibit any unortho-doxy, according to the custom of the neighborhood or the temperament and practice of the justice. Moreover, this negative attitude toward the purported record ignores the question of internal evidences. If the persons named as figuring in the trial can be consistently identified, the court record cannot be dismissed out of hand as a cheap fabrication. In here reprinting it, that annotation has been performed. [p.323] The value of the court record is clearly heightened by the discovery of Dr. Purple's reminiscences, which not only corroborate but explain and illuminate it. The chief lack in the pattern of evidence has been a contemporary allusion to the trial. That lack I am fortunately able to supply, a letter published April 9, 1831, which is corroborative of both the other documents and in its provenance as far removed from either of them as they are from each other. The documents as here reprinted come from secondary sources. It is to be hoped that this emphasis placed upon their importance may serve in bringing the originals to light: the justice of the peace record from which the pages were cut, the excised pages themselves, and the articles of agreement drawn up in 1825. The Money-Digging Agreement, 1825 The following document, as reprinted from the Susquehanna Journal of March 20, 1880, was discovered by Stanley S. Ivins in the Salt Lake City Daily Tribune of April 23, 1880. Although the story ties in directly with the accounts of the 1826 trial, the articles of agreement are not necessarily adverse to the claims of the church, Joseph Smith himself having admitted that in the fall of 1825 he engaged in money-digging activities at the instance of Josiah Stowell. The earliest Mormon account of this episode was by Oliver Cowdery, writing in Joseph Smith's behalf in the Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate, Oct. 1835. Employed as a common laborer by a gentleman from Chenango County, Cowdery explained that Joseph Smith
In what it details of a mine and money coined therefrom, this account by Oliver Cowdery is fully in accord with the agreement hereafter reprinted. Joseph's own account of his association with Josiah Stowell implies that he worked as a mere day laborer for a wage of fourteen dollars a month, and this is Cowdery's assertion also. The agreement that follows has nothing to say of such an arrangement, which it is conceivable may have applied to actual work on Stowell's farm; instead, it provides that Joseph and his father were to be given two-elevenths of all the wealth that might be found, for services that remain unspecified but may readily be inferred.
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT We, the undersigned, do firmly agree, & by these presents bind ourselves, to fulfill and abide by the hereafter specified articles:
(Brother Wade may have made a mistake in directing his letter to the proper Church journal. If he has, Granny [the Deseret News] has our permission to copy the above by giving The Tribune proper credit.)
The 1826 Court Record
As published by Fawn Brodie, the record of the trial at Bainbridge, New York, on March 20, 1826, was derived by an article on Mormonism contributed by Daniel S. Tuttle, Methodist Episcopal Bishop for Utah, to the Religious Encyclopedia or Dictionary of Biblical, Historical, Doctrinal, and Practical Theology Based on the Real Encyclopedia of Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck, edited by Philip Schaff, and published by Funk & Wagnals, New York, 1883, vol. 2, p. 1576. Bishop Tuttle evidently thought this to be the first publication of the document, but Stanley Ivins has demonstrated its appearance in print ten years earlier. The record was evidently first printed in an English periodical, Fraser's Magazine, Feb. 1873, vol. 7 (New Series), pp. 229-30, as a part of the text of an article entitled, "The Original Prophet," printed over the signature "C. M." From this source it was immediately reprinted in an American periodical, The Eclectic Magazine, April 1873, vol. 17 (New Series), p. 483. The author of the article was presumably Charles Marshall, who contributed other articles to Fraser's Magazine on the basis of a visit to Utah he made in 1871. In printing the court record, Marshall said of it, "The original papers were lent me by a lady of well-known position, in whose family they had been preserved since the date of the transactions." This "lady of well-known position" was identified by Bishop Tuttle when he again printed the court record in the Utah Christian Advocate for January 1886: "The Ms. was given me by Miss Emily Pearsall who, some years since, was a woman helper in our mission and lived in my family, and died here. Her father or uncle was a Justice of the Peace in Bainbridge Chenango Co., New York, in Jo. Smith's time, and before him Smith was tried. Miss Pearsall tore the leaves out of the record found in her father's house and brought them to me." Tuttle's Reminiscences of a Missionary Bishop (New York, 1906), p. 272, notes that Miss Pearsall had come from Bainbridge to Salt Lake City in 1870 to assist her church as a "Sister" or "Woman missionary," that she died after two years' faithful service, and that she was buried in Mount Olivet Cemetery. More precise vital statistics are provided by a History and Genealogy of the Pearsall Family in England and America, edited by Clarence E. and Hattie May Pearsall and Harry L. Neall (San Francisco, 1928), vol. 2, [p.327] pp. 1,143 and 1,151, from which it appears that Emily was born January 25, 1833, and died November 5, 1872. Her father's sister, Phoebe Pearsall, married Albert Neely, who as will be seen from the reminiscences of Dr. Purple, presided over the 1826 trial. The version of the court record printed in the Schaff-Herzog encyclopedia, and reprinted by Brodie, did not include the costs which follow the finding of the court. Otherwise, except for small typographical variations, all printed versions are alike. The text now reprinted is that of the Utah Christian Advocate, with some corrections in brackets illustrating variations found in the published version of 1873: Exact copy trial and conviction of Joseph Smith author of PEOPLE OF STATE OF NEW YORK, Warrant issued upon written complaint upon oath of Peter G. Bridgman 3 who informed that one Joseph Smith of Bainbridge was a disorderly person and an Impostor. Prisoner brought before court 20 March. Prisoner examined, says, that he came from town of Palmyra, and, had been at the house of Josiah Stowels in Bainbridge most of time since, had small part of time been employed in looking for mines,but the major part had been employed by said Stowell on his farm, and going to school. That he had a certain stone, which he had occasionally looked at to determine where hidden treasures in the bowels of the earth were, that he professed to tell in this manner where gold mines were a distance under ground, and had looked for Mr. Stowell several times and informed him where he could find those treasures, and Mr. Stowel had been engaged in digging for themthat at Palmyra he had pretended to tell by looking at this stone, where coined money was buried in Pennsylvania, and while at Palmyra he had frequently ascertained in that way where lost property was of various kinds; that he has occasionally been in the habit of looking through this stone to find lost property for 3 years, but of late had pretty much given it up on account of injuring his Health, especially his eyes, made them sore-that he did not solicit business of this kind, and had always rather declined having anything to do with this business.
Reminiscences of the Trial by Dr. W. D. Purple
The account of the trial by Dr. William D. Purple, as published in the Norwich Chenango Union, May 3, 1877, was brought to light through field researches undertaken in Chenango County by Fawn M. Brodie. The same account, reprinted in an unidentified publication, is to be found in a scrapbook in the New York Public Library complied by Charles L. Woodward, "The First Half Century of Mormonism." It also served as the basis of a discussion of Mormonism in James H. Smith, History of Chenango and Madison Counties, pp. 153-55. In a latter work Smith had this to say: "Dr. Purple possesses a remarkably retentive memory, and his mind is a rich store-house of facts and incidents connected with the early settlements in this locality, with which he is probably more conversant than any other individual in the southern part of the county." He also noted that Dr. Purple was admitted to the Chenango County Medical Society on May 10, 1825, having been licensed the preceding October 1, and that he later, in 1838-39, served as president of that society. Fuller information about Dr. Purple was developed by Mrs. Brodie from a scrapbook found in the public library at Greene, New York. This scrapbook contained medical articles by the doctor, most of them published in the Transactions of the New York State Medical Society; two articles clipped from the Chenango Union entitled "Reminiscences of the Town of Greene;" the article on Joseph Smith here reprinted; and four or five obiturary notices. [p.330] These obiturary remarks are important because they go far to establish the credibility of Dr. Purple as a witness. He was born, it appears, in 1802 and died May 18, 1886, at the age of 84. He came to Greene, New York, in 1807, and began to practice medicine in Bainbridge in 1824. In 1830 he moved from Bainbridge to Coventry, and then to Greene, where he practiced medicine until his retirement. He then became postmaster, a position he held for some years. He was a liberal contributor to medical literature, was president of the Chenango County Medical Society, and in 1849 received the degree of Doctor of Medicine from the Regents of the State Medical Society. One obituary notice said of him: "He was blessed with a most retentive memory, and was thoroughly conversant with the county's history. He was a man of the strictest integrity and uprightness of character." Another remarked: "His articles on current topics contained apt and appropriate matter, often expressed in crisp style.... His medical writings were dignified, and contained much originality and sound philosophy, and were so free from technicalities that they were readily comprehended. Many of them are to be found in the 'Transactions of the N.Y. State Medical Society' and the 'Chenango County Medical Society; and one of his medical articles was translated into French and published abroad.... Dr. Purple possessed a remarkably retentive memory, characterized, also, by a surprising facility for the recollection of dates, statistics, and historical occurences, so that he was called sometimes, as veritably he was, a walking encyclopedia. He could tell at once the names of candidates, the year of their nominations, the names, methods, and characteristic, and management of all parties, and the principle history of nearly all political leaders during every year of the past eighty years; would one ascertain the number of miles distance between Utica and Rochester, or Buffalo and Albany, Dr. Purple had it at his tongue's end; also the year and frequently the month when almost any important event had happened in his own country, as well as much that transpired in more remote localities during the period of his lifetime." In comparing Dr. Purple's reminiscences with the court record, it will be seen that discrepancies appear, some of them no doubt explained by the lapse of half a century. He remembered the trial to have taken place in February 1826; the court record shows the date to have been March 20, 1826. Dr. Purple recalled that Stowell's sons had "caused the arrest of Smith," whereas the court record says the warrant was issued on oath of Peter G. Bridgman, though of course it does not therefore follow that Stowell's sons may not in this manner have "caused the arrest." Dr. Purple's recollection was that Stowell's sons made affidavit or gave their testimony before Joseph Smith was examined; the court record shows that it was the other way around. Dr. Purple remembered the elder Joseph Smith to have followed his son to the witness chair; the court record is silent as to this. In turn, the court record shows the testimony of one McMaster, concerning whom Dr. Purple is silent. The court record and Dr. Pruple's [p.331] reminiscences agree that the principal witnesses, Joseph Smith, Jun., Josial Stowell, and Jonathan Thompson were examined in that order. The recollections of the testimony given are fuller than the information that is developed by the laconic court record, and it is not impossible that there had been some enlargement of Dr. Purple's memory with the passing years. But it may also be noted, painful as the idea may be to Mormon sensibilities, that though the fantastic story of the search after a seer stone is not verifiable in other sources, it by no means follows that this story, true or false, was not related to the court. Mormon and non-Mormon accounts alike agree that the youthful Joseph Smith had a remarkable imagination and a well-developed talent as a teller of tales:
"Ninety bars of gold that Capt. Robert Kidd, the pirate of a preceding century, had despoiled the commerce of the world, we are not able to say, but that he took his help and provisions from home, and camped out on the black hills of that region for weeks at a time, was freely admitted by himself and family.
A Contemporary Account of the Trial
The following letter is the earliest printed reference to the 1826 trial that has so far come to light. No files of Chenango County newspapers for March and April 1826 are known to exist, and it may be that proceedings before a mere justice's court in any event would not, in a town which itself had no newspaper, have been found worthy of an editor's attention. No more nearly contemporary printed reference to the trial than this now reprinted may ever be found. The letter is the more interesting for its bearing on the admission made by Oliver Cowdery in 1835 that Joseph Smith had indeed been hauled before a magistrate's court in Chenango County during the period of his association with Josiah Stowell, and before he claimed to have come into possession of the golden plates. Cowdery wrote: "While in that country, some very officious person complained of him [Joseph] as a disorderly person, and brought him before the authorities of the county; but there being no cause for action he was honorably acquitted." It can hardly be argued again that Cowdery had reference to an entirely different affair of which there is no other record. Though the outcome of the trial may be disputed, the fact of its having been held, and the nature of the proceedings, will now doubtless be accepted. The letter under discussion was published in a Universalist weekly, the Evangelical Magazine and Gospel Advocate, April 9, 1831, vol. 2, p. 120. This periodical, which was published at Utica, New York, on February 5, 1831, had printed a caustic account of the Book of Mormon which called forth the present letter. The writer signed it only by his initials, "A. W. B.," but his identity is established in the Magazine and Advocate for 1834, which publishes three communications on temperance dated South Bainbridge and signed "A. W. Benton." Further details about him are to be had from Smith's History of Chenango and Madison Counties, p. 144, where it is noted, "Abraham Benton, brother of Orange Benton, studied medicine with Dr. Boynton at Bettsburgh and settled in the village on the east side of the river, where he practiced several years nearly fifty years ago. He sold out in 1837 to Elam Bartlett and removed to Illinois." His views on temperance were also recalled. In Joseph Smith's account of the trials to which he was admittedly subjected in Chenango County in 1830, he makes reference to "a young man named Benton" who "swore out the first warrant against me" (History of the Church, 1:97). This may more likely have been Orange than Abraham Benton, as the author of the present was clearly a Universalist, whereas Joseph Smith declares the other Benton to have been of the Presbyterian faith. [p.337] MORMONITES Messrs. EditorsIn the sixth number of your paper I saw a notice of a sect of people called Mormonites; and thinking that a fuller history of their founder, Joseph Smith, jr., might be interesting to community, and particularly to your correspondent in Ohio, where, perhaps, the truth concerning him may be hard to come at, I will take the trouble to make a few remarks on the character of that infamous imposter. For several years preceding the appearance of his book, he was about the country in the character of a glass-looker: pretending, by means of a certain stone, or glass, which he put in a hat, to be able to discover lost goods, hidden treasures, mines of gold and silver, &c. Although he constantly failed in his pretensions, still he had his dupes who put implicit confidence in all his words. In this town, a wealthy farmer, named Josiah Stowell, together with others, spent large sums of money in digging for hidden money, which this Smith pretended he could see, and told them where to dig; but they never found their treasure. At length the public, becoming wearied with the base imposition which he was palming upon the credulity of the ignorant, for the purpose of sponging his living from their earnings, had him arrested as a disorderly person, tried and condemned before a court of Justice. But considering his youth, (he being then a minor,) and thinking he might reform his conduct, he was designedly allowed to escape. 21 This was four or five years ago. From this time he absented himself from this place, returning only privately, and holding clandestine intercourse with his credulous dupes, for two or three years. A. W. B. [Editor's note: The contemporary documentation for the 1826 trial which eluded Dale Morgana bill of costs and a writ of mittimuswas unearthed in the early 1970s by Wesley P. Walters and is discussed at some length in Marvin S. Hill, "Joseph Smith and the 1826 Trial: New Evidence and New Difficulties," Brigham Young University Studies, Winter 1972.] [p.341] Notes1. The murder of Oliver Harper on May 11, 1824, is celebrated in the annals of Susquehanna county. He was about fifty years old, the owner of a large farm, and was also engaged in lumbering. He had taken a raft of lumber down the Susquehanna River and was returning with about $800 when he was robbed and murdered. Jason Treadwell of Harmony (now Oakland), Pennsylvania, was charged with the crime, arrested, tried in Montrose, September 1-5, 1824, and executed the following January 13, on the only gallows ever erected in Susquehanna County. See Emily C. Blackman, History of Susquehanna County (Philadelphia, 1873), pp. 97, 582; Phamanthus M. Stocker, Centennial History of Susquehanna County (Philadelphia, 1887), p. 573; and J. B. Wilkinson, Annals of Binghamton (Binghamton, New York, 1840), pp. 147-48. A short notice of Harper's murder appears in the Philadelphia National Gazette, May 21, 1824. The 1820 census returns, now in the National Archives, show Harper to have lived in Windsor Township, Broome County, New York. 2. Most of the names appearing in this document are readily verifiable, though the 1820 census returns for Susquehanna County are not available for cross-checking. John Grant is shown by the 1830 census to reside in Colesville Township, Broome County, New York. Isaac Hale, subsequently Joseph Smith's father-in-law, and one of the earliest settlers in Harmony, made affidavit in 1834 regarding his participation in this treasure-hunting and his eventual revulsion against it. David Hale, a son of Isaac, was the tax collector for Harmony in 1820 and later settled in Amboy, Illinois, where he furnished information printed in Emily Blackman's History of Susquehanna County, pp. 103-104. William Hale was listed in the 1830 census as residing in Colesville, New York. The two Newtons were possibly sons of Thaddeus Newton, who settled at Bainbridge, New York, about 1790; a son named Charles is reported by James H. Smith, History of Chenango and Madison Counties (p. 163), to have died at Oxford, New York, about 1841. One Charles Newton was found in Bainbridge by the 1820 census, and he may be both the son of Thaddeus and the Charles A. of the money-digging agreement. John R. Shephard may have been a son of John Shepherd who was, according to Wilkinsoh's Annals of Binghamton (p. 115), one of those who settled at Tioga Point in 1780. Josiah (or sometimes spelled Isaiahthe last name is also variantly spelled Stowel and Stoal) Stowell appears in Mormon annals as having been responsible for Joseph Smith's "employment" at fourteen dollars a month for money-digging; he is listed by the census in 1820 and 1830 as a resident of Bainbridge. Calvin and Elijah (also spelled Elihu) Stowell were both listed at Bainbridge in the 1820 census, Calvin having been, according to Smith's history of Chenango County (p. 150), the first presiding officer of the "South Presbyterian Society and Meeting-House of the town of Bainbridge" on its organization in 1819. "William Wylie" was located at Bainbridge by the 1820 census. 3. Peter G. Bridgman is noted in Smith's History of Chenango and Madison Counties (p. 152) to have been on February 17, 1829, a trustee of the West Bainbridge Methodist Episcopal Church. 4. A salt water spring or deposit known to the Indians in the vicinity of the Great Bend of the Susquehanna was often vainly searched for by the white settlers. See J. B. Wilkinson, Annals of Binghamton, pp. 103-104. The search for such a spring in the vicinity of Bainbridge was no doubt spurred by the finding of a salt spring in 1824 on a branch of Snake Creek seven miles northeast of Montrose, Pennsylvania. See the account of it in Zion's Herald, April 21, 1824. 5. No person of this name appears in the census returns, but the name itself was obviously a puzzle to the transcriber. In 1820 one Charles Atherton was listed at Bainbridge." 6. The 1830 census shows Asahel Bacon and Matilda Bacon as heads of households in Windsor Township, Broome County, New York." 7. At the time of the 1820 census Simpson Stowell lived at Bainbridge, Chenango County, New York. His whereabouts in 1830 I have been unable to establish." 8. With this testimony compare the statement of W. R. Hines in Naked Truths About Mormonism, Jan. 1888: "Jo Smith, who became the Mormon prophet, and his father came from Palmyra or Manchester, N.Y., and dug for salt two summers, near and in sight of my house. [Hines was born at Colesville on February 11, 1803, and lived seven miles above Isaac Hale on the Susquehanna River.] The old settlers used to buy salt from an indian squaw, who often promised to tell the whites where the salt spring was, but she never did. Jo Smith claimed to be a seer. He had a very clear stone about the size and shape of a duck's egg, and claimed that he could see lost or hidden things through it. He said he saw Captin Kidd sailing on the Susquehanna River during a freshet, and that he buried two pots of gold and silver. He claimed he saw writing cut on the rocks in an unknown language telling where Kidd buried it, and he translated it through his peepstone. I have had it many times and could see in it whatever I imagined. Jo claimed it was found in digging a well in Palmyra, N.Y. He said he borrowed it.... He had men who did the digging and they and others would take interests. Some would lose faith and others would take their places. They dug one well thirty feet deep and another seventy-five at the foot and south side of the Aquaga Mountain, but found no salt. My nephew now owns the land he dug on. Asa Stowell furnished the means for Jo to dig for silver ore, on Monument Hill. He dug over one year without success. Jo dug next for Kidd's money, on the west bank of the Susquehanna, half a mile from the river, and three miles from his salt wells....He dug for many things and many parties, I never knew him to find anything of value." 9. Horace Stowell was head of a household at Bainbridge when the 1830 census was made. 10. Arad Stowell is located at Bainbridge by the census returns of both 1820 and 1830. Smith, History of Chenango and Madison Counties (pp. 150-51), shows him to have been a trustee of the "South Presbyterian Society and Meeting-House of the town of Bainbridge" on its organization in 1819, and again a trustee when it was reorganized on February 7, 1825, as the South Bainbridge Presbyterian Church. 11. David McMaster was a co-trustee with Arad Stowell for the South Bainbridge Presbyterian Church in 1825, and was listed at Bainbridge in the census of 1830. He thus appears as the McMaster most probably referred to; but in his autobiography, alluding to trials to which he was subjected in Chenango and Broome counties in the summer of 1830, Joseph Smith speaks bitterly of "Cyrus McMaster, a Presbyterian of high standing in his church, [who] was one of the chief instigators of these persecutions" (History of the Church, 1:97). 12. One J. S. Thompson was listed as the head of a household in Bainbridge by the 1830 census, but more probably Jonathan Thompson appears in the census list without name, in the household of Josiah Stowell. In 1830, as in 1826, Thompson testified in Joseph's favor during proceedings against the latter. See History of the Church, 1:90. 13. A number of Yoemans or Yeomans appear in the local annals, among them William, Solomon, and Jeremiahall listed in 1820 in Windsor Township, Broome County, New York." 14. Although nothing like a detailed chronology of the movements of the Smith family before 1830 exists, there is no reason to believe that any of the Smiths had been in Chenango prior to 1825." 15. It is most reasonable to suppose that Stowell had heard about Joseph's pretensions to seership either by letter from or while visiting his son Simpson Stowell, who had removed to Palmyra sometime after 1820. The ingenuous Mormon explanation of why Stowell should have desired to hire Joseph Smith for money-digging is that he had heard some rumor of Smith's being shown the golden plates by the Angel Moroni and consequently thought him suited to seeking out the hidden things of the earth." 16. James H. Smith's History of Chenango and Madison Counties (pp. 168-69) recalls Albert Neely as one of the first owners of a mercantile business in Afton, opening a store about 1820 and going west a few years later. As has been seen in the introduction to the court record, he married Phoebe Pearsall, aunt of Emily Pearsall to whom we are indebted for the court record. 17. It may be a reasonable presumption that Dr. Purple made these notes in the justice of the peace record itself. That he was equipped for clerical responsibilities is evidenced by the fact that he was, on May 5, 1829, elected first town clerk of Bainbridge Village." 18. Is it possible that Dr. Purple's recollection is inexact, that these remarks by the elder Joseph Smith were made, not before the court, but in casual conversation to interested listeners before or after the trial?" 19. Evidently this was never done. No clipping of such an article was preserved in the Purple scrapbook, and, at the insistance of Dr. Kirkham, Mrs. Helen L. Fairbanks of the Guernsey Memorial Library, Norwich, New York, searched the files of the " Chenango Union through 1880 without finding an article of the kind. 20. To reconcile this statement with the verdict of guilty appearing in the court record itself, see the letter of 1831 reprinted in section 4 of this Appendix." 21. Here are harmonized the discrepant accounts of the court record and the Purple reminiscences as to the outcome of the trial. Joseph Smith would appear to have been given the equivalent of a suspended sentence. He was, as asserted, a minor at the the time, not reaching the age of twenty-one until December 23, 1826." 22. This language was the Universalist idiom of the period in reaction to the hellfire and brimstone teaching of other denominations. |
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