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Letters from Exile Edited by Significant Mormon Diaries Series No. 3 |
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Through this edition of the letters of Martha Hughes and Angus M. Cannon, we are pleased to present a view of a nineteenth-century Mormon polygamist couple set against a backdrop of the historical forces they confronted. The letters were written while "Mattie" lived on the "underground" in England in order that Angus could escape federal prosecution for his practice of polygamy. In late 1887 Angus wrote to Mattie that he felt "such a desire to visit and accompany you on some of your journeys and sojournings, I cannot describe it. I feel you would get to know me better." In our attempts to know Mattie and Angus, we found ourselves regretting our own inability to "journey and sojourn" with them. Yet through their extensive correspondence we were permitted an illuminating look at their private lives, feelings, and [p.viii] expressions, and came not only to know them both but to understand and appreciate the time in which they lived. In approaching our task, we decided to edit these letters with a light touch. We have corrected obvious misspellings and made minor corrections in grammar and punctuation. Martha Hughes Cannon was an educated woman with a good understanding of spelling and grammar. Yet she consistently misspelled certain words (Illinois was always Illanois, for example) and used dashes instead of commas and periods. The same is true for Angus, who, though not as extensively educated as Mattie, was sufficiently literate for his time. In addition to correcting spelling and grammar, we have occasionally broken lengthy paragraphs at appropriate points. Major changes or deletions are noted with ellipses or brackets and footnotes, minor changes having been simply incorporated into the text. Generally the deletions made in the letters have been passages illegible in the original text or extraneous material, especially lengthy travelogues of Mattie's experiences in England or on the continent. Readers should keep in mind that many of these letters were written in haste, often under adverse conditions. Had Mattie or Angus had the opportunity to edit these letters for publication, we believe they, too, would have made many of the same changes. Moreover, it should be remembered that not all of Angus's letters to Mattie are extant. Thus there are gaps in the collection and references in extant letters to ones that no longer exist. Significant and frequently mentioned individuals are noted in the section entitled "Prominent Characters." Women are indexed under their married names, and aliases have been cross-referenced to actual names. In some cases we have been unable to identify individuals mentioned in the text, and this is duly noted in the footnotes. Any undertaking such as this involves the contributions of many people. We particularly appreciate the historical department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, which permitted us to publish these letters which it houses. Moreover, a number of historical department employeesespecially Ronald Watt, Glenn Rowe, William Slaughter, and Steve Sorensen assisted us in obtaining permission and at various stages of the project. It should be understood that while the LDS church gave permission to publish the letters, neither it nor any of its employees approved, guided, or shaped this work.[p.ix] We remain solely responsible for the content, accuracy, and interpretation of the letters. In addition, the following individuals provided information, assistance, and support crucial to completing this project: Jo Ann Peterson, Martha Hughes Porter Monti, Helen Cannon Ovard, Shari Siebers Crall, Scott Birkinshaw, Craige S. Hall, Jeff Sillito, and Louise Putnam. At Signature Books, George D. Smith, Gary J. Bergera, Ron Priddis, Connie Disney, Jani Fleet, Susan Staker, and Brent Corcoran have been enthusiastic supporters from the beginning. Finally, without the support of our families we could have never finished this book. We particularly appreciate our spouses Wilford Lieber and Linda Sillitoe who took time out of their schedules to give assistance, encouragement, and a sympathetic ear. At the same time, Constance thanks Anna, Matthew, Lydia, Andrew, and Philippa who tolerated baby-sitters, fast food, and her preoccupation with the events and people of a century ago. John thanks Melissa, Rob, and Cynthia who were interested observers and companions generally. We hope they are as pleased with this book as we are with them. C. L. L.
So begins a letter to Angus Munn Cannon from his fourth wife, Martha ("Mattie") Maria Hughes. Mattie was twenty-seven years old in 1884 when she married the fifty-year-old Angus. At the time she wrote the above letter, Mattie and her five-month-old daughter, Elizabeth Rachel, were hiding from United States federal marshals in Centerville, Utah, making final preparations for a trip into exile in England. Of this time she would later write, "Were it all written or told(either would be an impossibility)it would make as thrilling a tale as ever appeared on the pages of fiction."2 For Mormon polygamists family life in Utah in the late [p.xii] 1880s was a challenge. Polygamy, or plural marriage, can be traced to the earliest days of the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS). In the 1830s, founding prophet Joseph Smith said he received a revelation calling him to take additional wives (one of these revelations later became section 132 in LDS editions of the Doctrine of Covenants).3 Smith may have taken his first plural wife as early as 1835, but the doctrine did not become well known within the church until a decade later and was not preached publicly until 1852. Over the next forty years, however, LDS officials openly exhorted the faithful, especially those holding ecclesiastical positions, to enter into this "new and everlasting covenant of marriage." Public reaction to rumors of Mormon plural marriage was immediate and hostile. In 1854, the Republican party campaigned on a platform opposing the "twin relics of barbarism" polygamy and slavery. A series of legislative measures between 1862 and 1887 specifically sought to outlaw plural marriage and provide penalties for its practice, including fines, prison terms, and political disenfranchisement. In 1882, the Edmunds Act stipulated that any married person with a living spouse who married again was guilty of polygamy and could be sentenced to five years in jail and a $500 fine. This legislation also banned unlawful cohabitationindividuals living as husband and wife who were not legally married. However, the act provided that children born of polygamous parents before 1 January 1883 would be considered legitimate but those born after that date would not. Five years later, in 1887, the Edmunds-Tucker Act passed. This new act ultimately sought to destroy the LDS church as a political and economic entity, and required plural wives to testify against their husbands. These and other legal measures (enhanced by various American church groups opposed to polygamy) ushered in a period of repression known as "the raid." As Mormon historians James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard observed:
By the late 1880s civil disobedience had become a major fact of Utah life. According to Allen and Leonard, not only were husbands dodging federal marshals, but wives and children were either forced to flee or live through "long periods of deprivation and fear."5 Marriages were disrupted and people's lives were altered dramatically. During this decade the federal government issued "more than a thousand judgments for unlawful cohabitation and thirty one for polygamy."6 Overt repression and harassment subsided only when LDS church president Wilford Woodruff issued the Manifesto of 1890 declaring that the church had stopped teaching plural marriage, had forbidden its further practice, and indicated a willingness on the part of the church to abide by government statutes.7 Among those closely watched and ultimately prosecuted by federal marshals during the 1880s was Angus M. Cannon, then president of the Salt Lake City stake of the LDS church, a geographic and ecclesiastical division comprising several wards. Warrants were often issued for his arrest, and Angus spent much of his time on the underground, aided by his large family and associates. As his plural wife, and as a suspect named in some of the warrants, Mattie faced two choicesto remain underground in Utah or a neighboring area, or to go into exile. Mattie was reluctant to remain at home in hiding. For a year, before and after the birth of her first child, Elizabeth, she had been on the underground avoiding federal marshals. As soon as she was able, she fled to the East. She later remembered: "Just [p.xiv] think it will be two years next month since I last saw the Rocky Mountainsand soon be three years since I saw our beautiful city by daylight. How little I dreamed, I would become a burden to people so early in life. God being my helper, I will guard against a repetition of this purgatory."8 These experiences helped Mattie shape her resolve "to breathe the Rocky Mountain air freely or not at all…I would rather be a stranger in a strange land and be able to hold my head up among my fellow beings than to be a sneaking captive at home."9 Martha was accustomed to holding her head up among strangers. A graduate of the University of Michigan Medical School in 1880, and of the University of Pennsylvania and the National School for Elocution and Oratory in 1882, she was an intelligent, articulate woman, who brought a wealth of knowledge and experience to her marriage uncommon for her time and which colored her life and that of her husband and children. Consequently, she must have felt a sense of relief at leaving the persecution of Utah polygamists behind ("Let me off then I'll be happy," she wrote from Centerville10) combined with a sense of adventure and anticipation as reflected in the early letters. As early as 1885, Mattie, resident physician at the Deseret Hospital in Salt Lake City, knew her situation would have to change. She wrote to an old school friend, Barbara Replogle, that:
A month later, she wrote again to Replogle:
Despite her letter, Mattie had been married for seven months and had to keep the marriage secret. Even her parents had not been told of it at the time. The strain Mattie experienced reached beyond her own personal situation. As she explained, she might be used as a witness against other polygamous marriage partners since she had been the physician who delivered the children in several cases:
Mattie could have been thinking of her own husband and daughter, as Angus had been convicted of unlawful cohabitation and sentenced to six months in prison only days prior to her writing the above letter.14 Mattie's experience with the federal marshals during her husband's arrest, trial, and conviction was newsworthy. On 10 January 1885, Angus was served a warrant on the complaint that for more than ten years he had "continuously lived and cohabited with more than one woman, namely, with… Amanda Mousley Cannon, and with one Sarah Mousley, and with one Clarissa C. Valentine Mason, and with the said Mattie Hughes."15 Seventeen [p.xvi] days later the paper reported that marshals had been unable to locate "Miss Hughes," although Angus's nephew commented, "she has been on the street considerable attending to her patients." Two days later the nephew reported that "Uncle Angus's case was postponed until tomorrow in order to give the marshals time to find Miss Hughes."16 In fact, Mattie eluded a warrant served at the Deseret Hospital on 27 January and never appeared on the witness stand. Accounts of the trial in the Deseret News feature Clara Mason Cannon as the chief witness, with additional testimony from Lewis M. Cannon and Angus M. Cannon, Jr. Eventually, Angus Sr. was charged with "lascivious cohabitation" with Amanda Mousley Cannon and Clara Valentine Mason and sentenced on 13 May. Several other times Angus was either "wanted" or detained. The Deseret Evening News reported on 27 August 1886 that deputy marshals were looking for "Mr. Cannon" at a Bluff Dale farm. Mattie must have felt especially vulnerable, complaining to Angus the following month: "Why you sought to couple my name with the proceedings is not just clear to me… You must remember that I have played my part in that little game, and it's hardly fair to 'lug' me into other people's circuses, if only in name." Mattie probably felt that her safety did not have to be jeopardized to protect others of her husband's wives, especially Maria Bennion, whom Angus had married on 11 March 1886 while Mattie was preparing to go into exile. Yet she was genuinely worried that Angus might be arrested again, as she continued in the same letter: "To learn of your being caught would be a great shock to my feelings, as I can painfully realize how little justice or mercy would be shown you."17 Cannon was arrested a second time, according to the 25 November 1886 edition of the Salt Lake Herald, and "charged with unlawful cohabitation with Sarah [Mousley] Cannon and Mattie Hughesbail $10,000." When Mattie learned of the arrest, she wrote a frantic letter under the name of "Ezekiel Brown," chastising herself for not insisting that Angus visit her (to get him out of Utah) and for not offering to do anything in her power to help. When Mattie first approached Angus in March 1886 with [p.xvii] her plan to take Elizabeth into exile, he was heartsick. He wrote in his diary, "I am told [a] friend wants to go to England and I consent... I leave her tonight with the saddest heart I ever felt."18 For Mattie and Elizabeth, just getting out of Salt Lake City and Utah without being recognized had been dangerous. While waiting to board the train to New York, Mattie was noticed and had to hurry to another stop. Her baggage never caught up with her.19 Later letters from England record her replacing items lost in the confusion. Mattie left New York in high spirits: "Everything is lovely and the goose hangs high!"20 In a letter written aboard ship, she mentions that the "level of the sea is certainly the place" for her health. She was still convalescing from complications following the birth of Elizabeth and seemed convinced that living at a lower altitude would be better for her and her child. This theme recurs throughout her letters: "Health is everything in this life … If my head gets bad when I reach the high altitude of Utah again, I shall say good-bye to that section, as dearly as I love it, and make a permanent home near the level of the sea."21 Mattie and Elizabeth landed at Liverpool on 1 May 1886 and started for Birmingham a few days later. Their arrival was noted by another "exile," Emily Wells Grant, daughter of the church's European Mission president Daniel H. Wells and a plural wife of Heber J. Grant (who would become seventh president of the Mormon church in 1918). Emily Wells Grant wrote to her husband, referring to Mattie by Angus's middle name, Munn:
Mattie herself commented on the situation, "I have met some other 'undergrounder's' a jugful more miserable than your exiled 'Maria' [Mattie]; one of them in fact feeling particularly 'Cussed.' Ah, don't misery like company though?"23 When Angus received his first letters from England he recorded in an uncharacteristically lyrical fashion in his journal: "'Dolph' Whitney brought me package of letters I sang:Good news from home,good news for me has come across the Deep Blue Sea. Shure [sic] enough a letter of 1st and another of 4th instants. The former announced arrival of loved ones safe and well in Liverpool & the latter at Birmingham …"24 Possibly Mattie had anticipated a relatively quiet exile among her mother's relatives. However, she was unhappy with her uncle, Thomas Evans (her mother's brother), in Birmingham, whose wife she found "swears and plays drum on the children's heads from morning to night. Keeps up a perpetual bedlam, and drinks her half-a-pint-of-four-penny [a day]." Less than a month with those relatives was enough. Mattie wrote in the same letter, as she went into the country: "Aunt had a cataleptic fit… Uncle is inclined to investigate the Gospel and Satan is making himself manifest in various ways."25 Life was better in Wolverton, Warwickshire, where she lived near other, more distant, relatives. Living in Wolverton "near Stratford on Avon," she was out of the "Smokey Cityhot hell"26 and nearer places of cultural interest: Shakespeare's home and the newly completed Shakespearean museum; Kenilworth Castle, which Sir Walter Scott had made famous; and Warwick Castle. Letters to Angus and Barbara Replogle are replete with her [p.xix]descriptions of the sights, their impressions on her, and literary quotations, none "strictly verbatim [but] matchings of 'pastime' reading of 'long ago' that come to me partly forgotten."27 Emily Wells Grant wrote that Mattie and another exile going by the name of Anna Hull were "living in the country and are getting fat. They have all the fresh air, milk, eggs, &c. they want and are quite contented since they have been so pleasantly located together."28 From his side of the ocean, Angus recorded in his diary, "my family all arrived from the City… we convened in the orchard and sat upon quilts, upon the grass and chairs. I said I was happy to meet so many of my wives and children together in freedom, while my mind wandered to those far away and I thought: how sad that I cannot acknowledge and meet all I so dearly love."29 Mattie's early letters to Angus show a determination to keep up with affairs at home and reveal much about Mattie. She had access to the Deseret Semi-Weekly News published in Salt Lake City and to the Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, a publication of the British Mission. She also bombarded Angus with questions and offered him her opinions. She seemed especially concerned with the affairs of two prominent women of her day Emmeline B. Wells and Romania B. Pratt Penrose. Emmeline was the editor of the Women's Exponent periodical, where Mattie was employed before going to medical school. Emmeline was also on the board of directors of the Deseret Hospital, where Mattie was resident physician from 1885. Although friends, the tone of Mattie's letters about Emmeline tends to be sarcastic and exhibits a tinge of jealousy. For example, in early 1886 Emmeline and other Utah women went to Washington, D.C., to correct popular opinion about Mormon women. Mattie wrote Angus that she was pleased to hear about the good work the women were doing at the Capitol [p.xx] but added an aside that, of course, the other women were merely accessories. Emmeline was "fully equal to the task single-handed."30 Of Romania Pratt Penrose, Mattie wrote: "I tell you notwithstanding we both are considered tolerable good saints, there is an internal antipathy existing between we two women, which only slumbers while I am in seclusion but will 'erupt' when I begin to jostle in the medical field again."31 Perhaps Mattie was genuinely jealous. Romania was practicing medicine openly at "her" Deseret Hospital (Mattie wrote acidly), and Emmeline was active in politics and journalism. But Mattie was stuck in a little country village with an often ill baby, sacrificing her career and ambition to keep her husband out of prison and herself out of the witness box. Personal fame was always a possibility in Mattie's mind. "Come out to the Rockies and let us tread the ladder of fame together," she once wrote.32 After her marriage, during her pregnancy when she knew her life would change, she still pleaded, "Even if we have to be poor, let us not waste our talents in the cauldron of modern nothingnessbut strive to become women of intellect and endeavor to do some little good while we live in this protracted gleam called life."33 Towards the end of the exile, as she anticipated returning home to a more normal life, she was philosophical: "when I look around me and see how many of the young people of this generation are spending their time and talents on the mere nothingness of existence… then I feel you and I have surely been preserved by a wise Providence to accomplish [something] superior to this in this life."34 To close friends, Mattie wrote of her ambition, her desire to "accomplish something more in this life." But to Angus she expressed herself in terms of love, support, understanding, weariness, or jealousyespecially of Maria Bennion whom Angus had married as Mattie and Elizabeth were departing for England. Mattie's need to be secure in his love ("taking the great plan into [p.xxi] consideration," she joked, "a quarter section, aye! even less, is preferable to none at all of your precious self"35) is another constant theme. She wanted to believe him but fought against his assurances ("perhaps this very moment you are basking in the smiles of your young Maria [Bennion]. Well bask and be happy but remember that your blessed neck is at stake… if you ever tell that I am jealous"36). She also worried that he had to do too much for her since she could no longer contribute to her support by practicing medicine. "You speak of me 'giving up all for you.' Has it ever occurred to you how much you have given up for me? Do you ever think of it?I doand it sickens me."37 Mattie struggled between accepting polygamy intellectually and understanding it with her heart. She told Barbara Replogle, "I have linked my fate with one that I loveone who seems all but perfection in my eyesbut I don't let him know it allI think it well for a woman to keep a little reserve power in that line."38 Toward the end of 1886 she scolded Angus for implying that he had deprived her parents of a daughter by marrying her, "If their real feelings were analyzed, I'll warrant that they realized that they have not only not lost a daughter in any sense, but have gained a son, one of the noblest in the world, by our union, and I assure you it has made me one of the happiest little wives and mothers in creation. It's truth."39 A few weeks later, however, she complained to Angus:
Yet her faith also enabled her to add, "But the knowledge that it is God's plan… is the only thing that saves [me and others] from despairalmost madness I fear."40 [p.xxii] As her exile abroad continued, Mattie's letters changed in tone. They became full of pain, jealousy, loneliness, and depression, lacking the usual "good-humor in spite of trials" of her earlier letters. The only letter Angus destroyed is from this period. It was written on 22 October 1887, just before Mattie returned to the United States. Angus had received many letters written in a bad humor ("were it not for [Elizabeth] and the religion of our God I should never want to see Salt Lake again, but seek some other spot and strive to forget what a failure my life has been"41) without responding in kind. On one occasion he told Mattie her depression could "not be wondered at as you have endured your exile better than I could have expected to do, under altogether more favorable circumstances."42 But this time he particularly took Mattie's letter to heart.
Timely communication in those days was difficult. This is reflected in the order of the letters that follow. Since we have arranged them as they were written, not necessarily as they were received, the reader will notice the time lag in the exchange of information, as letters crossed and recrossed the Atlantic, averaging three weeks from writer to recipient. Mattie and Angus had each written and received several letters before she responded penitently to the above:
Finally the days of exile ended. Mattie left Liverpool for the United States on 2 December 1887 aboard the Arizona45 and enjoyed an all-too-brief interlude with Angus in New York before continuing on the final part of her exile to Michigan. The last letters, written in 1888 from Algonac, Ann Arbor, and Chicago, are more straightforward, laced with some sarcasm and jealousy but with little of the quotations and introspection of the bulk of the correspondence. They are the letters of a woman who knows her youthful dreams and ambitions will never be fulfilled: "My beautiful St. Clair of years gonewhich I always then saw in its summer loveliness, its surface roseate with morning sunbeams or its crystal waters reflecting the different hued lights from the many crafts that dotted its surface at evening. 'Twas here I used to compose love letters and dream… of fame and happiness in years to come."46 As her exile drew to a close, Mattie said she still hoped to visit Barbara Replogle but never did. Although there were reasons for missing the visitletters not received, forgotten or inconvenient appointments, Elizabeth's illnessthey are not convincing. Possibly Mattie was looking for an excuse not to see her friend, a "gentile," fearing that it would be too difficult to explain polygamy to a non-Mormon, however close the two women were. So much had changed for Mattiein only ten years she had gone from schoolgirl to medical doctor, from polygamous wife and mother to an exile returning home. She wrote with such affection [p.xxiv] of her college days in Philadelphia and Michigan, perhaps she felt it safest to cherish the friendship as she remembered it, fearing that she might lose Barbara if she attempted a meeting. Mattie arrived in Salt Lake City in late May 1888. Her last letter to Angus included in the collection was written from there on 23 June 1888. She lived with her family, yet in a sense her exile continued.
After her return, Mattie started a private medical practice and taught classes in nursing and obstetrics. During the next two decades, however, she became best known for her political activities. In 1896, she was elected to the Utah State Senate, the first woman to win such an office in U.S. history. Mattie ran as a Democrat for one of several at-large seats. Among the Republican candidates she bested was her husband.48 In addition, Mattie served as a member of Utah's first state board of health. Angus continued to serve his church as president of the Salt Lake City Stake until 1904. Soon afterward he was called as Salt Lake Stake Patriarch, a position he held until his death in Salt Lake City on 7 June 1915.49 Mattie and Angusdynamic, strong willed, prominent members of the communitywere never able to live together publicly as husband and wife. Their later correspondence reveals a [p.xxv] stormy, yet affectionate relationship. After her return from exile, Mattie and Angus had two additional childrenJames Hughes Cannon in 1890 and Gwendolyn Quick Cannon in 1899. In 1904, Mattie and the children moved temporarily to California for health reasons. Mattie eventually settled permanently in Los Angeles to be near her children. She died there on 10 July 1932. It is in Mattie's internal conflictsidealism versus the practical side of lifethat readers will hear a modern voice and see themselves. Her themeslove, marriage, the search for self-definition, and recognition within the realities of lifeare universal. The years separating 1888 from the present blur as we see our own struggles so eloquently portrayed. [p.xxvii] 1834 1842 1843 1849 1857 1858 1861 1862 [p.xxviii] 1871-75 1876-78 1878-81 1881-82 1882-86 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 [p.xxix] 1890 1896-1900 1899 1915 1932 [p.xxxi] ANDERSON, DR. W. F. BALLARD, HENRY BENNION, MARIA BENEDICT, WILLIAM F. CALLISTER, EDWARD CAMPBELL, ROBERT CANNON, ANN AMANDA MOUSLEY CANNON, CLARA CORDELIA MASON CANNON, ELIZABETH RACHEL CANNON, GEORGE QUAYLE CANNON, JOHANNA CRISTINA DANIELSON CANNON, JOHN QUAYLE CANNON, LEWIS MOUSLEY CANNON, MARIA BENNION CARRINGTON, ALBERT CLAWSON, HIRAM BRADLEY DAVIS, EDWARD DUNCANSON, ANN WHITEHEAD GARVEY DUNCANSON, ELIZABETH HENDERSON DUNSTER, EDWARD SWIFT DYER, FRANK H. FERGUSON, ELLEN BROOKE GRANT, EMILY WELLS "HULL, ANNIE." "HULL, FRED." "HULL, MRS. ANNA." JOHANNESEN, ANNA EMMA SCHETTLER MEYER [p.xxxv] KIMBALL, HEBER CHASE KIMBALL, JONATHAN GOLDEN MASON, CLARA CORDELIA. MCRAE, ALEXANDER MEYER, ANNA BALLMER MEYER, ANNIE EMMA SCHETTLER. MEYER, FREDERICK AUGUST ENGELBERT MOENCH, LOUIS FREDERICK MOUSLEY, ANN AMANDA. MOUSLEY, SARAH MARIA. NICHOLSON, JOHN PAUL, ANNIE MARIE PETTEGREW PAUL, BARBARA PAUL, ELIZABETH EVANS HUGHES PAUL, JAMES PATTEN PAUL, JOSHUA HUGHES [p.xxxvii] PAUL, LOTTA ROBINA PAUL, MAUDE SARAH PENROSE, CHARLES WILLIAM PENROSE, ROMANIA BUNNELL PRATT REPLOGLE, BARBARA RICHARDS, EMILY SOPHIA TANNER RICHARDS, JANE SNYDER [p.xxxviii] SCHETTLER, PAUL AUGUSTUS SCHOENFELD, EDWARD SHIPP, MILFORD B. SMITH, JOSEPH FIELDING SNOW, ELIZA ROXCY SPORI, JACOB SUDBURY, CLARA ANN. TAYLOR, CLARA ANN SUDBURY TAYLOR, JOHN TAYLOR, JOSEPH EDWARD TAYLOR, LISADORE AMELIA TAYLOR, SOPHIA WHITTAKER TEASDALE, GEORGE WELLS, ABBIE CORILLA. WELLS, DANIEL HANMER [p.xl] WELLS, EMMELINE BLANCHE WOODWARD WEST, JOSEPHINE RICHARDS WHITMER, DAVID "WILLIAMS." WOOLLEY, AMY IRENE WOOLLEY, JOHN ENSIGN WOOLLEY, JOHN WICKERSHAM [p.xli] WOOLLEY, LORIN C. WOOLLEY, MARY CRANDALL WOOLLEY, RACHEL CAHOON WOOLLEY, SAMUEL WICKERSHAM YOUNG, ABBIE CORILLA WELLS YOUNG, SEYMOUR BICKNELL |
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Notes
1. Martha Hughes Cannon to Angus M. Cannon, [March] 1886, Angus M. Cannon papers, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah; hereafter HDC. For additional information on Martha, see Jean B. White, "Dr. Martha Hughes Cannon: Doctor, Wife, Legislator, Exile," in Vicky Burgess-Olson, ed., Sister Saints (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1978); and Constance L. Lieber, "'The Goose Hangs High': Excerpts from the Letters of Martha Hughes Cannon," Utah Historical Quarterly 48 (Winter 1980): 37-48. 2. Ibid., 3 May 1888, AMC papers. 3. Originally published in 1835, the Doctrine and Covenants contains revelations, information about church membership, and clarification on doctrinal questions. It was revised in 1879 and recanonized as scripture the next year. 4. James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), 396. 7. For information on plural marriage, see Richard S. Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986); and Jessie Embry, Mormon Polygamous Families: Life in the Principle (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987). 8. MHC to AMC, 6 March 1886, AMC papers. 9. Ibid., 19 March 1888, AMC papers. 10. Ibid., 6 March 1886, AMC papers. 11. MHC to Barbara Replogle, 21 March 1885, Martha H. Cannon papers, HDC. 12. Ibid., 1 May 1885, MHC papers. 14. At his sentencing, Angus expressed his own views: "I have used the utmost of my power to honor my God, my family and my country. In eating with my children day by day, and showing an impartiality in meeting with them around the board, with the mother who was wont to wait upon them, I was unconscious of any crime" (Deseret News, 13 May 1885). 16. Abraham H. Cannon Diary, 22, 24: Jan. 1885, HDC. 17. MHC to AMC, 23 Sept. 1886, AMC papers. 18. Angus M. Cannon Diary, 23 March 1886, Angus M. Cannon collection, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah; hereafter BYU. 19. Shari Siebers Crall, "'Something More': A Biography of Martha Hughes Cannon," honor's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1985, 33. 20. MHC to AMC, 20 April 1886, AMC papers. 21. Ibid., 6 June 1886, AMC papers. 22. Emily Wells Grant to Heber J. Grant, 17 May [1886], Heber J. Grant Papers, HDC. During her time in England, Mattie, like other plural wives, used several aliases to escape detection, generally preferring Maria Munn. Angus used the alias Arthur Munn. Neither was a particularly creative alias, nor is it likely that this would have fooled anyone seriously trying to discover their identities. 23. MHC to AMC, 4 May 1886, AMC papers. 24. Angus M. Cannon Diary, 20 May 1886, BYU. 25. MHC to AMC, 20, 29 May 1886, AMC papers. 27. Ibid., 21 Nov. 1886, AMC papers. 28. Emily Wells Grant to Heber J. Grant, 27 Oct. 1886, HJG papers. In referring to "Mrs. Hull," Emily means Anna Ballmer Schettler Meyer, a plural wife of Fredrick A. E. Meyer. Anna and her daughter Annie were also on the underground in England. For additional information on the Hulls/Meyers, see the "Prominent Characters" list. 29. Angus M. Cannon Diary, 5 July 1886, BYU. 30. MHG to AMC, 20 May 1886, AMC papers. 31. Ibid., 30 july 1886, AMC papers. 32. MHC to Barbara Replogle, 18 Sept. 1884, MHC papers. 33. Ibid., 1 May 1885, MHC papers. 34. Ibid., 3 March 1888, MHC papers. 35. MHC to AMC, 20 May 1886, AMC papers. 36. Ibid., 29 May 1886, AMC papers. 37. Ibid., 9 July 1886, AMC papers. 38. MHC to Barbara Replogle, 6 Aug. 1887, MHC papers. 39. MHC to AMC, a, Sept. 1886, AMC papers. 40. Ibid., 18 Oct. 1886, AMC papers. 41. Ibid., 3 Nov. 1887, AMC papers. 42. Ibid., 6 Oct. 1887, AMC papers. 43. AMC to MHC, 16 Nov. 1887, AMC papers. 44. MHC to AMC, 2 Dec. 1887, AMC papers. 45. More than 1,250 Mormon immigrants crossed between Liverpool and New York City on this steamer. A ship of the Guion line, the Arizona was built in 1879 by John Elder & Co. of Glasgow, Scotland. The ship could carry a total of 350 passengers. In 1898 she was acquired by the United States as a troopship in the Spanish-American War and World War I before being scrapped in 1926. See Conway B. Sonne, Ships, Saints and Mariners: A Maritime Encyclopedia of the Mormon Migration, 1830-1890 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987), 16-17. 46. AMC to MHC, 5 Feb. 1888, AMC papers. 47. MHC to Barbara Replogle, 10 Aug. 1888, MHC papers. 48. For additional information, see Jean B. White, "Utah State Elections,1895-1899," Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1968, 110-79, and "Gentle Persuaders: Utah's First Women Legislators," Utah Historical Quarterly 38 (Winter 1970): 31-49. 49. Patriarchs in the LDS church are lay officials who give special blessings to members that contain advice and prophecies regarding the recipient's life. For information on Angus's life, see Donald Q. Cannon, "Angus M. Cannon: Pioneer, President, Patriarch," in Donald Q. Cannon and David J. Whittaker, eds., Supporting Saints.' Life Stories of Nineteenth Century Mormons (Provo, UT: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1985), 369-401. |
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